(SME) School of Management and Entrepreneurship

Shiv Nadar University is a comprehensive, multidisciplinary, research-focused, and student-centric University offering a full range of academic programs at the undergraduate, postgraduate and doctoral level. With state-of-the-art infrastructure, the University comprises of academic wings, sophisticated labs, international standard sports facilities, amphitheaters, auditorium, conference rooms and smart classrooms. The University&rsquo;s goal is to become internationally recognized for the quality of its research and creative endeavors and their applicability to improving quality of life, generating new insights and expanding the boundaries of human knowledge creativity. Committed to excellence in teaching, research and service, the University aims to serve the higher education needs of India and the world beyond.

Shiv Nadar University

In the previous chapters, I have attempted to delineate the contradictions of the Indian corporate economy as it existed until the eighties. The primary contradiction, I argued, was manifest in the fact that, despite considerable growth and expansion of the corporate economy, and fairly high levels of profitability, the effects of this growth were hardly evident on the rest of the economy. It is this contradiction that I take as the starting point for my discussion of the post-interventionist model. The thrust of my arguments can be summarised as follows.

Economics and Public Policy

Perspectives on the Indian Corporate Economy

Corporate Capitalism in Post-Interventionist India: Paradoxes and More

This paper commissioned for a project on human development the United Nations Office of Project Services (UNOPS), Rome, Italy

Rethinking Development as Knowledge: Implications for Human Development

SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) was founded in 1985 to promote a rather unique model of regionalism. On the one hand, SAARC sought to foster a dialogue between countries grappling with serious political differences resulting from 200 years of colonialism. On the other hand, the members wished to exclude from the jurisdiction of the Association these same political questions. The objective of the member countries was rather to develop links in the fields of culture, education and the economy in order to reduce these political differences, but without directly confronting them. Unfortunately, this approach has not led to closer political or economic ties between Member States, leading to some pessimism about the future of the organization. The 1990s, however, radically changed the trajectory of SAARC. The end of the Cold War and the redefinition of state-society relations within each member state seem to have created a structural need for an association such as SAARC. Moreover, in keeping with the contemporary global trend to attribute greater primacy to economics than to politics, the political differences among Association members seem to have gradually given way to a more active and effective SAARC. However, this new optimism for SAARC, based solely on the enthusiasm of economic actors, is also premature. In other words,

Journal of International Studies

SAARC: From Statism to Economism? (Note)

Historically, regional cooperation in South Asia has been fraught with problems. As a result, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) remained a somewhat defunct political organization since its inception in 1985. In the 1990s however, SAARC has gathered some momentum, due mainly to the forces of globalization and economic liberalization with many of the SAARC countries. Two particularly significant aspects of this development have been the formation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the rising vehemence of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). This paper will examine these changes in the trajectory of SAARC, and, more generally, the problems and prospects of regional cooperation in South Asia. I will argue here that (a) the "new" regionalism in South Asia is almost entirely a product of the contradictions of globalization, which increases competition on the one hand, and the need for collaboration on the other; (b) institutional structures, in and of themselves, cannot generate solutions to problems that emanate out of historical processes and structures; and (c) feasible strategies for cooperation in South Asia require the mobilization of nonstate actors, especially firms and groups undertaking various social movements.

Journal Storage

Regionalization in South Asia: Theory and Praxis

JSTOR

Rationalizing Losses in the Indian Coal Industry: A Revaluation of Relative Responsibilities

Journal of Social and Economic Studies

Use of Child Labor in India: Dynamics of Obscurantism 1988

North-South Institute, Munk International Center, University of Toronto, April 21.

Keynote speaker, launch of the Canadian Development Report 2010

Originals, India’s largest e-platform, October 20. Translated into 5 Indian languages, including on BBC online.

Milestones, Millstones and Millionaires: A tribute to rural women

The tragedy in Bangladesh: Time for a different response?

Despite its failure to form the government, the BJP continues to be an important force in India's political-ideological terrain, and whether it can eventually establish itself as the ruling party at the centre remains the most important question for Indian politics today. Indeed, in many circles there is a belief that the Hindu Right has appealed to an 'authentic' and long-suppressed Hindu religiosity that characterises the Indian masses, and for that reason, it will from now on claim its permanent - and indeed, legitimate - space in Indian politics. Marxists and liberals, on the other hand, disagree with the view that there exists such a repressed Hindu psyche; instead, they see the BJP's success as arising out of the same fascist tactics that characterise the rise of fundamentalisms elsewhere in the world today, namely, the portrayal of a common enemy - in this case, the Muslims. Despite the quite substantial differences between them, both these arguments see the element of religiosity as being central to the strategy of the Hindu Right, and in that sense, perceive it as constituting a sharp break with India's 'secular' political tradition. I wish to argue instead that an analysis of the strategy of the Hindu Right must go beneath its apparent appeal to religiosity to uncover a tried and tested mobilisation strategy that has a long tradition in India. This strategy consists of two equally important components: (a) an appeal to the experience of social, political and economic oppression of the Indian people, and (b) a proposal for redressing that oppression that pre-empts any serious change in the existing relations of property. In other words, the success of the religious Right - or any political strategy for that matter - derives as much out of its appeal to the masses as its appeal to the elites, and more precisely, out of its ability to develop a narrative that precludes the necessity for a conflict between the two.